{"id":443,"date":"2019-04-04T17:53:01","date_gmt":"2019-04-04T17:53:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/sites.rutgers.edu\/lee-jussim\/?page_id=443"},"modified":"2019-04-04T18:01:54","modified_gmt":"2019-04-04T18:01:54","slug":"intellect","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/sites.rutgers.edu\/lee-jussim\/intellect\/","title":{"rendered":"Intellectual Imperialism"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: center\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">(This is a slightly revised version of an essay that appeared in Dialogue, the newsletter of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology) <\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">posted 11\/27\/02<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lee Jussim<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Agricultural Imperialism<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">A few years ago, while casually skimming through some social science <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">journals, I came across an article on &#8220;agricultural imperialism.&#8221; \u00a0I almost lost it <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">right there. \u00a0Talk about taking a reasonable idea (imperialism) to a bizarre, exaggerated <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">extreme. \u00a0I had visions of vast fields of wheat, armed to the teeth, prepared to wage war on <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">defenseless fields of barley, soy, and rice. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Until I started reading the article. \u00a0The author&#8217;s point was that agricultural production <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">was becoming so standardized and excessively focused around a relatively small number of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">crops (such as corn, rice, soy, and wheat), that many local, unique, and indigenous products <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">were being squeezed out of the marketplace and, functionally, out of production. \u00a0And the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">point was not that this was, by itself, intrinsically bad. \u00a0Instead, over-reliance on a fairly small <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">number of crops would seem to put much of the human race at excessive risk should an act <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">of god (drought, disease, etc.) decimate one or two particular crops. \u00a0Although the author did <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">not quite put it this way, just as it is important to diversify your stock portfolio, it is <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">important for us, both as individuals and as a species, to diversify our food sources. \u00a0And the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">creeping Westernization of agriculture threatened to undermine the diversity of those food <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">sources.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">What is Intellectual imperialism?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">I use the term &#8220;intellectual imperialism&#8221; to refer to the unjustified and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">ultimately counterproductive tendency in intellectual\/scholarly circles to denigrate, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">dismiss, and attempt to quash alternative theories, perspectives, or methodologies. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Within American psychology, for example, behaviorism from the 1920s through the 1960s is <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">one of the best examples of intellectual imperialism. \u00a0Behaviorists often characterized <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">researchers taking other (non-behaviorist) approaches to psychology as &#8220;nonscientific&#8221; (see, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">e.g. Skinner, 1990). \u00a0And, although other forms of psychology did not die out, behaviorism <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">dominated empirical, experimental American psychology for four decades. \u00a0Although <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">behaviorism undoubtedly provided major contributions to psychology, to the extent that the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">scientific study of intra-psychic phenomena (attitudes, self, decisions, beliefs, emotions, etc.) <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">was dismissed, ridiculed, or suppressed, behaviorism also impeded progress in psychology.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Unjustified rejection of failures to replicate.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0Intellectual imperialism emerges in all <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">sorts of ways. \u00a0One common manifestation is reviewers&#8217; tendency to reject articles because <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">they do not find (what the reviewer believes) someone else has. \u00a0Such studies seem to me to <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">have unusual potential to be particularly informative and intriguing. \u00a0They raise all sorts of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">possibilities, such as: The original finding or phenomena is not as powerful or widespread as <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">the initial studies seemed to suggest; the new pattern may be as or more common than the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">original finding; there may be conditions under which one or the other is more likely to hold. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">But a common knee-jerk sort of reaction is &#8220;There must be something wrong with the study if <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">pattern X failed to replicate.&#8221; \u00a0Certainly, this is possible. But, it is also possible that there <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">was something wrong (or limited or left unarticulated) in the original study or studies <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">demonstrating pattern X.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Just because researcher Smith published pattern X first, does that necessarily mean that <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">a subsequent study by researcher Jones, who found pattern not X, is fatally flawed? \u00a0I do not <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">see it &#8212; there is no logical or philosophical reason to ascribe higher quality to a study just <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">because it was performed first. \u00a0Doing so constitutes intellectual imperialism &#8212; unjustifiably <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">presuming one study&#8217;s findings are superior to another&#8217;s.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The un(or at least rarely)questioned superiority of the experiment.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0Correlation does <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">not mean causality. \u00a0A knee jerk reaction we have all been taught since our first statistics <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">class and maybe even our first psychology class. \u00a0But it is wrong. Correlation does mean <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">causality. \u00a0If we discover that A is correlated with B, then we now know either that: 1) A <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">causes B; 2) B causes A; 3) C (or some set of C&#8217;s) cause both A and B; or 4) some <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">combination of 1, 2, and 3 are true. \u00a0This is not nothing &#8212; indeed, although we do not know <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">the precise direction or set of directions in which causality flows, we know a lot more about <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">causality than we did before we obtained the correlation.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">As far as I can tell, it has been overwhelmingly, and perhaps exclusively, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">experimentalists who have touted the absolute superiority of the experiment. \u00a0Researchers who <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">routinely engage in both experimental and nonexperimental work rarely make this claim.\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The alleged superiority of the experiment has been greatly exaggerated. \u00a0Whole fields <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">with considerably more scientific status and recognition than social psychology, such as <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">astronomy, paleontology, and evolutionary biology do not rely primarily on experiments for <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">building theory and discovering new knowledge.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Of course, if we compare a perfect experiment (i.e., one whose procedures are fully <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">articulated, instituted flawlessly, which leaves open no alternative explanations, and involves <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">no measurement error) to a realistic naturalistic study, the experiment is superior. \u00a0But not if <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">we compare a perfect experiment to a perfect naturalistic study. \u00a0Our hypothetical perfect <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">naturalistic study is also executed perfectly, is longitudinal (thereby ruling out B, which is <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">measured at Time 2 from causing A, which is measured at Time 1), includes measures of all <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">possible alternative explanations (all possible &#8220;C&#8217;s&#8221; in the C causes A and B sense), and all\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">measures are free of error. \u00a0In such a case, the experiment and naturalistic study are equally <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">perfectly capable of assessing causal relations between A and B.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">What about a realistically good experiment and a realistically good naturalistic study <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">(which, of course, is the bottom line issue)? \u00a0Because this issue is too complex to deal with in <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">this type of short essay, I will make only a few brief points here. \u00a0Although there may be <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">some net advantage of experiments over naturalistic studies, that advantage is small and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">quantitative, rather than an absolute quantum leap. \u00a0Both rule out B causing A (at least if the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">naturalistic study is longitudinal). \u00a0This leaves one major ground for comparison regarding <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">quality of causal inferences: their ability to rule out C&#8217;s. \u00a0Experiments do not necessarily rule <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">out all C&#8217;s. \u00a0They only rule out all C&#8217;s that are uncorrelated with the manipulation. \u00a0An <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">obvious case is demand characteristics (though the possibility of C&#8217;s correlated with the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">manipulation is infinite, just as in naturalistic studies). \u00a0Some studies may produce differences <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">between conditions, not because the manipulation worked, but because participants figure out <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">what responses the experimenter wanted them to provide.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Naturalistic studies nonetheless do have a harder time ruling out those pesky C&#8217;s. \u00a0But, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">if there is any prior empirical work in the area, any theory, or even any related theories, the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">researcher may often have a good idea of just who are the most likely contenders for C&#8217;s. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">They can then be measured and controlled. \u00a0Not necessarily as good as an experiment, but not <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">a sloppy second, either, at least not if those C&#8217;s are reasonably well measured. \u00a0Indeed, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">because researchers using naturalistic designs may be more sensitive to C&#8217;s than many <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">experimentalists, they may often make more of an effort to include, measure, and control <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">those C&#8217;s in their designs. \u00a0If so, at least some naturalistic studies may do a better job of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">ruling out C&#8217;s than some experiments.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Furthermore, even if the causal inferences derivable from a typical naturalistic study <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">are not quite as convincing as those derived from a typical experiment, the naturalistic study <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">will often provide more information about naturally-occurring relationships than will an <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">experiment. \u00a0To the extent that we are trying to understand basic processes, therefore, I would <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">give the edge to the experiment. \u00a0But to the extent that we are trying to understand the role of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">those processes in everyday life, I would give the edge to the naturalistic study. \u00a0Whether <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">there is any greater net increase in scientific knowledge, even of causal relationships, resulting <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">from experiments than from naturalistic studies is, therefore, primarily a matter of opinion, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">perspective, and context.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Of course, as a field, we do not really need to choose. \u00a0Both experiments and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">naturalistic studies are extremely important, precisely because they complement each other so <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">well. \u00a0Put this way, it probably seems obvious. \u00a0If so, then you are already agreeing with me <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">that any tendency toward methodological imperialism (dismissing, derogating, giving less <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">credence to naturalistic studies over experiments) is not a healthy thing for our field.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The curious case of (in)accuracy.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0For years, social psychologists, especially those <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">with a social cognition orientation, have waxed enthusiastic over error and bias research, and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">rejected almost out of hand accuracy research. \u00a0Consider the following:<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">&#8220;It does seem, in fact, that several decades of experimental research in social psychology have <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">been devoted to demonstrating the depths and patterns of inaccuracy in social perception &#8230; <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">This applies &#8230; to most empirical work in social cognition &#8230; The thrust of dozens of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">experiments on the self-fulfilling prophecy and expectancy-confirmation processes, for <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">example, is that erroneous impressions tend to be perpetuated rather than supplanted because <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">of the impressive extent to which people see what they want to see and act as others want <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">them to act &#8230; (Jost &amp; Kruglanski, 2002, pp. 172-173).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">&#8220;Despite the obvious importance to social psychology of knowledge about person perception <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">processes, the development of such knowledge was delayed by a preoccupation with the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">accuracy of judgments about personality &#8230; The naivete of this early assessment research was <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">ultimately exposed by Cronbach&#8217;s elegant critique in 1955. \u00a0Cronbach showed that accuracy <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">criteria are elusive and that the determinants of rating responses are psychometrically <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">complex&#8221; (Jones, 1985, p. 87).<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">&#8220;The accuracy issue has all but faded from view in recent years &#8230; On the other hand, in <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">recent years, there has been a renewed interest in how, why, and in what circumstances <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">people are inaccurate.&#8221; \u00a0(Schneider, Hastorf, &amp; Ellsworth, 1979).<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Despite spending pages and pages on inaccuracy, error, and bias, both the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">recent round of handbook chapters and most undergraduate texts, hardly <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">discuss accuracy at all. \u00a0The reasons for social psychology&#8217;s rejection of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">accuracy research are too long and involved for this essay; two short points, however, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">highlight the intellectual imperiousness of attempts to denigrate or dismiss accuracy <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">research. \u00a0First, how can we possibly reach conclusions about inaccuracy unless we can also <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">reach conclusions about accuracy? \u00a0This question is mostly rhetorical, because on its face, the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">question seems ludicrous. \u00a0It\u2019s not completely ludicrous, primarily because research on errors <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">can provide insights into processes, but whether those processes typically lead to accurate or <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">inaccurate perceptions and judgments is a separate question that rarely can be addressed by <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">process research. \u00a0Furthermore, some biases (which are not necessarily the same thing as <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">errors or inaccuracy) actually enhance accuracy (Jussim, 1991). \u00a0All this is very rich and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">interesting, at least to some of us. \u00a0The entire analysis, however, could not occur at all unless <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">at least some researchers studied accuracy. \u00a0This suggests that attempts to dismiss accuracy do <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">us all a disservice by attempting to clamp theoretical and empirical blinders on the field.<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Second, there is the supposed &#8220;criterion problem&#8221; in accuracy research (highlighted in <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">the Jones quote). \u00a0This criticism is so common that it has been known to evoke paroxysms of <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">sweat, angst and even self-flagellation from people engaged in actual accuracy research. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Aren&#8217;t the criteria for evaluating the validity of social beliefs so vague and fuzzy as to render <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">attempts to assess accuracy meaningless?<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u00a0<\/span> <span style=\"font-weight: 400\">I have never seen criticisms of the criteria used to establish self-fulfilling prophecies <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">that remotely resemble those leveled at accuracy research. \u00a0I find this peculiarly ironic <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">because, of course, although the processes by which a perceiver&#8217;s belief become true are <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">different, the criteria for establishing their trueness are (or, at least, should be) identical. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Social psychology cannot have it both ways. \u00a0It cannot be tortuously difficult to identify <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">criteria for establishing accuracy unless it is equally tortuously difficult to identify criteria for <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">establishing self-fulfilling prophecy. \u00a0Conversely, it cannot possibly be unproblematic to <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">identify criteria for establishing self-fulfilling prophecy unless it is equally unproblematic to <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">identify criteria for establishing accuracy.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Some Scientific Claims Really are Just Plain Wrong<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Do not get me wrong. \u00a0Sometimes mountains of data really do say &#8220;X is true and Y <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">isn&#8217;t.&#8221; \u00a0The end (at least until someone comes up with new data saying Y could be true <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">sometimes after all). \u00a0When there is sufficient research to document the falsity of Y, so be it, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">and we should all feel free to say that Y just ain&#8217;t true. \u00a0But the criteria should be the data &#8212; <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">not our own preferences for one view over another. \u00a0And, the entire point of this essay is that <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">premature denigration or dismissal of an area of research restricts our data, thereby reducing <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">the quality of the science produced by our field. \u00a0It is one thing if we have tons of data that <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Y isn&#8217;t true. \u00a0But it is another thing entirely if there is just no evidence that Y is true, because <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">research on Y has been prematurely stigmatized or trivialized. \u00a0In such a case, the value and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">credibility of our field, and our ability to both understand human nature and to improve the <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">social condition, have been sorely limited.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Intellectual Affirmative Action<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Is there a solution? \u00a0Well, one of the best solutions I know of bias and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">discrimination remains affirmative action. \u00a0Intellectual affirmative action would involve both <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">reviewers and, especially, editors, taking a position of being especially favorably predisposed <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">to publishing intellectually diverse (i.e., different perspective, different results) research. \u00a0To <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">get concrete, the next time you come across a study that fails to find stereotype threat effects, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">or a priming effect, or that finds people have extraordinarily good access to their own <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">cognitive processes, or that conscious controlled processes seem to dominate over automatic <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">ones &#8212; to overcome your own predisposition to reject such papers, set what may seem to feel <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">to you like a lower, not higher, theoretical and methodological bar for acceptance. \u00a0This will <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">merely compensate for your own predisposition to look negatively on such papers, thereby <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">giving them a fair chance. \u00a0Let the result out there, so the rest of us can do our work trying to <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">sort it all out.<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">References<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jones, E. E. (1985). \u00a0Major developments in social psychology during the past five decades. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">In G. Lindzey &amp; E. Aronson (Eds), The handbook of social psychology (Third edition, Vol 1.,<\/span><span style=\"font-size: 1rem\">47-107). \u00a0New York: Random House.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jost, J. T., &amp; Kruglanski, A. W. (2002). \u00a0The estrangement of social constructivism and <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">experimental social psychology: History of the rift and prospects for reconciliation. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Personality and Social Psychology Review, 6, 168-187.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jussim, L. \u00a0(1991). Social perception and social reality: A reflection-construction model. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Psychological Review, 98, 54-73.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Schneider, D. J., Hastorf, A. H., &amp; Ellsworth, P. C. (1979). \u00a0Person perception (2nd edition). <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Skinner, B. F. (1990). \u00a0Can psychology be a science of mind? \u00a0American Psychologist, 45, <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">1206-1210.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>(This is a slightly revised version of an essay that appeared in Dialogue, the newsletter of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology) posted 11\/27\/02 Lee Jussim Agricultural Imperialism A &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/sites.rutgers.edu\/lee-jussim\/intellect\/\" class=\"\">Read More<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":232,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-443","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v23.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Intellectual Imperialism - Lee Jussim<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/sites.rutgers.edu\/lee-jussim\/intellect\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Intellectual Imperialism - Lee Jussim\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"(This is a slightly revised version of an essay that appeared in Dialogue, the newsletter of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology) posted 11\/27\/02 Lee Jussim Agricultural Imperialism A &hellip; 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