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X-WR-CALDESC:Events for Linguistics Graduate Students Association
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BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20201120T160000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20201120T183000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20201116T175902Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20201116T175902Z
UID:1790-1605888000-1605897000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium: Stefan Keine
DESCRIPTION:Crossover asymmetries  \nStefan Keine (joint work w/ Rajesh Bhatt) \nAbstract: \nWe investigate and analyze a crossover asymmetry in Hindi scrambling: such scrambling is not subject to (secondary) weak crossover but at the same time shows clear (secondary) strong crossover effects. This asymmetry provides empirical evidence that the two types of crossover should be analytically decoupled from each other\, and it sheds light on factors that condition weak and strong crossover. We pursue the view that a movement type’s crossover profile is not arbitrary but instead correlates with independently motivated properties of this movement type. Our investigation finds evidence that weak crossover is conditioned by the landing site of movement\, while strong crossover is determined by properties of the launching site. More specifically\, we propose that weak crossover follows from a syntactic restriction on the placement of Büring’s 2004 β-operator\, which is required for pronominal binding from the landing site. Strong crossover\, on the other hand\, is determined by the amount of structure present in the launching site\, which can itself be derived from Wholesale Late Merger and nominal licensing along the lines suggested by Takahashi & Hulsey 2009. In addition to contributing to our understanding of crossover phenomena\, our argument also has implications for the A/A’-nature of scrambling (e.g.\, Webelhuth 1989\, Mahajan 1990) and movement-type asymmetries more generally.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/colloquium-stefan-keine/
LOCATION:Online; Please contact the organizers for a link
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/Halifax:20201030T111500
DTEND;TZID=America/Halifax:20201030T130000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20201116T175357Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20201116T175357Z
UID:1787-1604056500-1604062800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium: Gillian Ramchand
DESCRIPTION:Verbal Symbols and Generalized Demonstrations \nGillian Ramchand \n  \nAbstract: \nIn this talk I develop a new theory of the ingredients of semantic composition for the verb phrase\, building on recent work  (Ramchand 2018). I show that the central properties of the approach proposed there make possible a new rapprochement between the theoretical analyses of verbal meaning across the visual and auditory modalities.  The innovation of the new theory is that it partitions the verbal extended projection into a lower symbolic zone and a higher instantiational (situational) zone mediated by the demonstrative act (cf. Davidson 2015\, Henderson 2017).  First I will lay out the system\, and then I will give examples of how it can be used in a formal account of the role of iconicity across modalities. The main feature of the new approach is that it de-exoticizes the ideophone and the iconic symbol\, making it the clue and model for all verbal symbolizing.  Finally\, I show how the reification of the demonstration event gives  a new perspective on indexical content and indexical shift and its typology across languages. 
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/colloquium-gillian-ramchand/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200410T100000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200410T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200302T014958Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200302T015004Z
UID:1467-1586512800-1586520000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Output-driven Phonology (mini-course series III)
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/output-driven-phonology-mini-course-series-i-2/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200403T100000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200403T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200302T014911Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200302T015110Z
UID:1465-1585908000-1585915200@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Output-driven Phonology (mini-course series II)
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/output-driven-phonology-mini-course-series-ii/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200327T100000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200327T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200302T014823Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200302T015314Z
UID:1463-1585303200-1585310400@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Output-driven Phonology (mini-course series I)
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/output-driven-phonology-mini-course-series-i/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200306T150000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200306T170000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200220T130524Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200220T130524Z
UID:1448-1583506800-1583514000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Jon Ander Mendia Colloquium
DESCRIPTION:Structuring ignorance \nCertain constructions in natural language are tied to an inference that the speaker cannot be more informative; they give rise to what is often referred to as ‘ignorance inferences’. For instance\, the sentences in (1) convey that the speaker doesn’t know who/how many people came to the party. \n1) a. Liz or Sue came to the party.\nb. At least five people came to the party. \nIt is generally agreed that such ignorance inferences are a form of Gricean conversational implicature\, arising as the product of listeners reasoning about a set of relevant alternatives that the speaker chose not to utter. In this talk\, I focus on the modifier ‘at least’ as a case study and show that the precise nature of ignorance inferences depends directly on the structural relations among the alternatives themselves\, i.e. whether they are totally or partially ordered. In fact\, I show that the ordering among alternatives is the only factor that the implicature calculation procedure is sensitive to. The implications are broad: if this reliance on structure can be generalized to other forms of conversational implicature\, then issues surrounding the role of logical vs. contextual entailment in implicature calculation no longer arise (cf. Hirschberg 1985\, Magri 2011).
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/jon-ander-mendia-colloquium/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200306T100000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200306T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200220T130135Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200220T130240Z
UID:1444-1583488800-1583496000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Jon Ander Mendia Seminar
DESCRIPTION:Genericity and Grammar \nGeneric statements such as those in (1) express non-accidental\, fundamental characteristics of some type of individuals and/or situations. \n1) a. Birds fly.\nb. Liz smokes after dinner.\nc. This machine crushes oranges. \nSuch generic statements are cross-linguistically ubiquitous\, tend to be morphosyntactically simple\, and provide essential means to express the ways in which we view and reason about the world. In spite of this\, core questions about their semantics remain unanswered to date: (i) What are the truth-conditions of generic statements (if any)? (ii) What are the criteria that single out all and only generic statements? (iii) Can we provide a unified semantics for all generic statements\, and should we do so? \nThe main goal of this seminar will be to understand these challenges and provide preliminary answers to some of these foundational questions. We will start by examining the rich empirical landscape of generic statements so as to gain an understanding of why exactly their correct truth-conditional characterization has proven so elusive. Then\, we will look into two major semantic theories of generics: genericity as kind-predication and genericity as quantification with a vague unselective quantifier GEN. We will finish with a brief discussion of the cognitive footprint of generic statements\, and how notional distinctions such as inductive vs. regulative/dispositional generalizations may be linguistically relevant.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/jon-ander-mendia-seminar/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20200221T150000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20200221T170000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200212T134132Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200212T134132Z
UID:1432-1582297200-1582304400@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Virginia Dawson Colloquium
DESCRIPTION:Paths to exceptional wide scope: Choice functions in Tiwa \nChoice functions have been invoked in the analysis of indefinites and disjunction in order to explain their ability to take wide scope from within islands\, and to explain cross-linguistic variation in whether a given indefinite can or must take wide scope (Reinhart 1997\, Kratzer 1998\, Matthewson 1999\, Winter 2002\, a.o.). In the last two decades\, however\, data have been raised that prove problematic for a choice functional analysis of (most) English wide scope indefinites and disjunction (Chierchia 2001\, Schwarz 2001\, Charlow 2014): the analysis over-generates in downward-entailing environments when there is a bound pronoun in the indefinite restrictor or the individual disjuncts. These data have led to new theories of exceptional scope that avoid this over-generation problem. In this talk\, I revisit the benefits of a choice functional analysis for obligatory wide scope indefinites and disjunction in Tiwa (Tibeto-Burman; India). I show that a choice functional analysis does not over-generate wide scope readings for these elements in downward-entailing environments\, but makes exactly the right predictions. These findings suggest that exceptional wide scope is not derived via a single mechanism in all cases\, but that there are multiple distinct routes available to languages. I conclude with some preliminary typological generalizations.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/virginia-dawson-colloquium/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20200221T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20200221T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200212T133943Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200212T133943Z
UID:1430-1582279200-1582286400@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Virginia Dawson Seminar
DESCRIPTION:What do imperatives mean? \nWe will examine some of the major questions surrounding the semantics of imperatives\, exploring in particular the division of labor between semantics and pragmatics\, connections to modality\, and the kinds of empirical evidence that have been central to competing analyses.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/virginia-dawson-seminar/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200214T150000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200214T170000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200131T181805Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200131T181805Z
UID:1405-1581692400-1581699600@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Dorothy Ahn Colloquium
DESCRIPTION:A competition mechanism for anaphoric expressions\n\nThis talk explores a competition-based analysis of anaphoric expressions\, which refer to familiar entities. I propose a unified semantic account\, where all anaphoric expressions such as pronouns and definite descriptions share an underlying semantic structure and differ only in the amount of restrictions they carry. The complexity of the restrictions results in an information based competition\, where a quantity-based economy principle chooses the simplest form possible in the given context\, avoiding redundant information. I motivate this theory from an investigation of languages that freely allow bare nouns as arguments\, where the anaphoric ability of the bare noun seems to depend on the availability of morphologically simplex pronouns. I show that the competition mechanism allows for a unified account for a number of independently observed cross-linguistic phenomena and enables a more precise and predictive semantic typology of languages.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/dorothy-ahn-colloquium/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20200214T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20200214T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200131T181638Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200131T181638Z
UID:1402-1581674400-1581681600@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Dorothy Ahn Seminar
DESCRIPTION:Semantic research in the signed modality \n\n\nThis seminar will provide an overview of aspects of the semantic research in sign languages\, taking the recent discussions on indexical pointing used for referent tracking as a case study. We will identify and discuss the main challenges and limitations of research in this domain\, as well as whether and how such research allows us to reevaluate current theories of referent tracking based on spoken languages. In particular\, we will explore how theories of indexical pointing can help us tease apart a number of existing theories on demonstratives for spoken languages as well as the internal syntactic and semantic composition of indexical constituents in both signed and spoken languages.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/dorothy-ahn-seminar/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200207T150000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200207T170000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200201T180555Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200201T180555Z
UID:1416-1581087600-1581094800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Deniz Özyıldız Colloquium
DESCRIPTION:The shape\, meaning\, and sound of factivity \nIn this talk grounded in Turkish data\, I present empirical evidence that the factive inference must be derived and not encoded in the meaning of verbs and complementizers\, and propose a unified syntax and semantics that derives it. Finally\, I show that a contrast in intonation between factive and non-factive attitude reports—supported by production and perception data—can be derived from the syntax coupled with a traditional linking hypothesis with phonology.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/deniz-ozyildiz-colloquium/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20200207T100000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20200207T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200201T180230Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200201T180230Z
UID:1415-1581069600-1581076800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Deniz Özyıldız Seminar
DESCRIPTION:Rethinking Questions \nWe are actively trying to understand how to account for the distribution and interpretation of embedded questions: Why do know and wonder embed them but not (usually) think? Why do we have to hedge and add (usually) to statements like the previous one? And why does know plus a question imply belief\, when wonder plus the same thing implies the opposite? These are some traditional questions that are currently being scrutinized under a new light. \nOur quest for answers will involve making sense of challenging data\, re-visiting the classics\, and moving towards a bubbling new set of contributions. While the main point will be that there is much more left to be said\, we will be thinking how presuppositions should be harnessed to rescue embedded questions from giving rise to semantic deviance\, and how the part-whole structure of events might be used to derive both the acceptability and the meaning of certain question directed attitudes.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/deniz-ozyildiz-seminar/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20200131T150000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20200131T170000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200116T185907Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200116T185907Z
UID:1375-1580482800-1580490000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Nadine Theiler Colloquium
DESCRIPTION:Witness protection: A unified semantics for additive particles in assertions and questions \nThe English additive particle also can appear in assertions and polar questions\, but not in canonical wh-questions: \n(1)  Mary danced all night.\na. John also danced.\nb. Did John also dance?\nc. #Who also danced? \nIt has been suggested that when also appears in a wh-question\, it triggers a so-called showmaster interpretation (Umbach\, 2012)\, in which the speaker already has a certain answer in mind when asking the question. \nIn this talk\, I will challenge this generalization based on a previously unnoticed class of questions\, which I call summoning questions. To account for the resulting more differentiated empirical picture\, I will generalize Beaver and Clark’s (2008) QUD-based account of additive particles by lifting it to an inquisitive semantics setting (Ciardelli et al.\, 2019). This allows us to capture the contribution of also in assertions and questions in a unified way\, while still accounting for its distributional restrictions.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/nadine-theiler-colloquium/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20200131T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20200131T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20200117T163233Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20200120T191004Z
UID:1378-1580464800-1580472000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Nadine Theiler Seminar
DESCRIPTION:Ungrammaticality from triviality: deriving selectional restrictions of attitude verbs\n\nIt’s commonly assumed that ungrammaticality is a syntactic notion and should receive a purely syntactic explanation. Yet there are many proposals appealing to squarely semantic considerations in order to account for certain cases of ungrammaticality. \nIn this seminar meeting\, we will first discuss one particular strategy that has been proposed for relating the semantic notion of triviality to ungrammaticality\, namely the use of L-analyticity (Gajewski 2002\, 2009). \nWe will then zoom in on accounts that use L-analyticity for deriving the selectional properties of certain attitude verbs. The verb believe\, for example\, can embed only declarative but not interrogative complements: \n(1) a.  Finn believes that Tara called.\nb. *Finn believes whether Tara called\nc. *Finn believes who called. \nBuilding on an observation by Zuber (1982)\, we will derive these data from the fact that believe is neg-raising.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/nadine-theiler-seminar/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20191106T113000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20191106T125000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190925T191135Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20191002T183801Z
UID:1062-1573039800-1573044600@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Miloje Despic (Cornell). Title TBA [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-miloje-despic-cornell-title-tba-str/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20191101T150000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20191101T163000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20191030T225656Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20191030T225945Z
UID:1212-1572620400-1572625800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium: Jim Wood
DESCRIPTION:Putting our heads together: Icelandic deverbal event nouns and allosemy \nGrimshaw (1990) showed that when an event noun is derived from a verb\, it is systematically ambiguous. In the “Complex Event Nominal” (CEN)\, eyðilegging ‘destruction’ refers to an event and inherits argument structure from the verb (as in eyðilegging borgarinnar var hræðilegur atburður ‘the destruction of the town was a horrible event’). In the “Result Nominal” (RN)\, the same form can refer to a concrete entity (as in Jón gekk í gegnum eyðilegginguna ‘Jón walked through the destruction’)\, in which case it does not inherit argument structure from the verb. There is a general tension between these two observations: the systematic nature of the ambiguity suggests that the different readings should come from the same structure; if they didn’t\, we’d expect morphological reflexes of the structural differences\, and we wouldn’t have ambiguity in the first place. On the other hand\, to capture the presence or absence of inheritance\, linguists have proposed different structures for the different readings.  \nIn this talk\, I show how the notion of allosemy—late insertion at semantics\, parallel to allomorphy in morphology—explains both the systematic ambiguity (there is one structure) and inheritance patterns (nouns may still inherit argument structure from verbs). I defend this perspective through by showing how Icelandic nominalization raises problems for two basic approaches to deverbal nominalization. I show that these problems do not arise if all readings of deverbal event nouns are derived by combining the lexical root with v(erbal) and n(ominal) heads directly. The ambiguity stems from allosemy of the v and n heads: either v or n can be semantically meaningless or meaningful. The resulting system incorporates insights from both of the basic approaches discussed: event structure is inherited from the verb\, but argument structure is constructed in a way that is parallel to how it is constructed in the verb phrase. The syntax of an event nominal is just nominal syntax\, with no verb phrase\, even when the nominal contains a verbal head. The many-to-many mapping between form (e.g. the set of nominalizers) and meaning (the readings derived nominals may have) falls out of the basic architecture of the grammar. \n 
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/colloquium-jim-wood/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20191015T113000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20191015T123000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20191015T030258Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20191015T030258Z
UID:1153-1571139000-1571142600@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:MRG: Mark Baker on the alphabet of case features
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/mrg-mark-baker-on-the-alphabet-of-case-features/
LOCATION:18 Seminary Place\, Room 108
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20191009T113000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20191009T125000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20191002T183515Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20191002T183515Z
UID:1108-1570620600-1570625400@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Practice Talks: Meg Gotowski & Shiori Ikawa [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:Meg Gotowski. “What Quoi-sluices reveal about ellipsis and wh-clitics in French.”\nShiori Ikawa. “Long-distance binding of the reflexive anaphor zibun in Japanese”
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/practice-talks-meg-gotowski-shiori-ikawa-str/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20190925T113000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20190925T125000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190925T191448Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20191002T183831Z
UID:1065-1569411000-1569415800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Yining Nie (NYU). Title TBA [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-yining-nie-nyu-title-tba-str/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20190925T113000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20190925T125000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190925T190900Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20190925T191243Z
UID:1060-1569411000-1569415800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Natasha Chemey. "I've got a talk about 'have got'" [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-natasha-chemey-ive-got-a-talk-about-have-got/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20190920T110000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20190920T124000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190919T181650Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20190919T181650Z
UID:1005-1568977200-1568983200@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Augustina's talk on Anaphoricity Marking in Akan
DESCRIPTION:I revisit the interpretation of the so-called definite determiner\, nò in Akan. I contend that contrary to previous analyses\, nò is not a definite determiner of type <<e\,t>e>. Rather\, I claim it is as a partial identity function which triggers an anaphoric presupposition. The main advantage of the present theory is that it presents a uniform semantics of the use of nò in examples (1a) and (1b). In example (1a) nò follows an NP\, I will refer to this as the nominal nò.̀ In (1b) it is at the end of a wh-question\, and this will be referred to as the clausal nò. \n1.    Me-tɔ-ɔ         ataadeɛ    ne      mpaboa bi.         Mpaboa nò yɛ   fɛ. \n1SG-buy-PST dress     CONJ shoe      INDEF shoe       nò COP nice \n‘I bought a shoe. The shoe was nice.’ \n2.    Hena na  ɔ-ba-a               ha  nò.\nWho foc. 3sg-come-pst here nò \n`What came here?’ \nThe nominal and clausal nò are assumed to be underlyingly the same morpheme by Amfo (2006)\, and Arkoh & Mathewson (2013)\, a.o.  This talk will focus on the nominal nò. I show that as an anaphoric expression\, the antecedent of the nò phrase should only be weakly familiar\, (Roberts 2003). In other words\, it does not necessarily require a linguistic antecedent. The only requirement is that the descriptive content of the antecedent is compatible with the descriptive content of the anaphoric expression.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/augustinas-talk-on-anaphoricity-marking-in-akan/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20190918T113000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20190918T125000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190918T143330Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20190918T143411Z
UID:974-1568806200-1568811000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Troy Messick. "3/4 agreement patterns and monotonicity" [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-troy-messick-3-4-agreement-patterns-and-monotonicity-str/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20190225T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20190225T113000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190214T204235Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20190214T204235Z
UID:758-1551088800-1551094200@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Mark Baker. On Possession\, nominalization\, and syntactic categories in Dan. [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-mark-baker-on-possession-nominalization-and-syntactic-categories-in-dan-str/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=UTC:20190215T100000
DTEND;TZID=UTC:20190215T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190131T165817Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20190202T165658Z
UID:701-1550224800-1550232000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:MathLing Spring 2019 Meeting 1: Learning substitutable languages
DESCRIPTION:In this meeting\, we will continue the discussion on learning started last semester. The relevant reading for the meeting is Clark and Eyraud (2007) on learning substitutable languages\, which can learn non-regular languages that can model some aspects of syntactic structure.\nAll are welcome!
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/spring-2019-meeting-1-learning-substitutable-languages/
LOCATION:The Language Center\, 1 Spring St\, New Brunswick\, NJ\, 08901\, United States
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20190211T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20190211T110000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20190201T185441Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20190201T185441Z
UID:723-1549879200-1549882800@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:ST@R Meeting: Paper discussion
DESCRIPTION:In this meeting we’ll discuss Richards’ (2004) article The syntax of conjunct and independent orders in Wampanoag.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/str-meeting-paper-discussion/
CATEGORIES:Discussion
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20181116T150000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20181116T170000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20181010T195348Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20181108T223054Z
UID:567-1542380400-1542387600@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Lauren Clemens & Lee Bickmore [ST@R & PhonX]
DESCRIPTION:Resisting prosodic ambiguity: the case of reduced relative clauses in Rutooro\nLauren Clemens & Lee Bickmore (University at Albany)\n\nRutooro is a Bantu language of Uganda that lacks lexical tone. Instead\, prominence in Rutooro is marked with a High tone (H) on the penultimate syllable of the phonological phrase (φ-phrase). Like many languages in the family\, syntactic XPs reliably correspond to φ-phrases; however\, we find a previously unattested pattern in the prosody of Rutooro adnominal phrases. Head nouns are marked H when they combine with strong determiners\, adjectives with augment vowels\, and full RCs. In contrast\, nouns do not bear an H tone when they combine with weak determiners\, augment-less adjectives\, and reduced RCs. We propose that the distribution of H tones serves as a diagnostic for whether an adnominal is generated in a DP-internal or external position. Reduced object RCs with overt subjects are a special case: the head of the reduced object RC bears an unexpected H tone\, while the subject is all-Low despite the fact that it is a self-contained XP. We demonstrate why these data challenge prominent theories of the syntax-prosody interface\, ultimately concluding that the attested phrasing repairs a prosodic ambiguity that could otherwise point to illicit syntactic constituency.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-lee-bickmore-and-lauren-clemens/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20181102T100000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20181102T120000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20181031T183603Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20181031T183856Z
UID:674-1541152800-1541160000@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:SURGE meeting: semantic reconstruction
DESCRIPTION:This is a meeting to discuss binding reconstruction within semantic theory. The primary reading is Chris Barker’s paper “Evaluation order\, crossover\, and reconstruction”.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/surge-meeting-semantic-reconstruction/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20181031T130000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20181031T143000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20181029T215252Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20181029T215252Z
UID:671-1540990800-1540996200@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Talk: Bleu Gildas Gondo\, The fusion between some constituents in the Eastern Dan sentences [ST@R]
DESCRIPTION:The fusion between some constituents in the eastern Dan sentences\nBleu Gildas Gondo (Rutgers University) \nThe present work aims to carry out an analytical reflection on the process of the fusion between some constituents in the eastern Dan sentences. In fact\, the fusion in Dan sentences which happens between subject and complement and verbs and complement respect many processes such as the rapprochement\, the assimilation\, the vowel lengthening and the vocal elision. Moreover\, the fusion is realized on the constituent of the left and not of the right. \n……………………………………………………………………………………………. \nKey word:fusion\, lengthening\, vowel\, elision\, assimilation\, pronouns\, verbs\, complements \n 
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/talk-bleu-gildas-gondo-the-fusion-between-some-constituents-in-the-eastern-dan-sentences-str/
END:VEVENT
BEGIN:VEVENT
DTSTART;TZID=America/New_York:20181026T150000
DTEND;TZID=America/New_York:20181026T163000
DTSTAMP:20260723T031019
CREATED:20181020T161323Z
LAST-MODIFIED:20181020T162255Z
UID:656-1540566000-1540571400@sites.rutgers.edu
SUMMARY:Colloquium: Kevin McMullin (UOttawa).  Distance\, blocking\, and optionality on phonological tiers
DESCRIPTION:Many phonological processes apply across large amounts of intervening material\, including\, e.g.\, vowel harmony\, consonant harmony\, and long-distance patterns of dissimilation. These phenomena have long posed a challenge for phonologists\, and have served as motivation for incorporating tiers or projections into various theoretical frameworks. In this talk\, I will argue that when treating long-distance dependencies as tier-based patterns\, there is an inherent relationship between the properties of distance\, blocking\, and optionality. I will present typological and experimental evidence in support of this claim\, further outlining several testable predictions that are the focus of research in progress. \nI will first review the findings of McMullin (2016)\, which argues that patterns of long-distance consonant agreement and disagreement are best treated as members of the Tier-based Strictly Local (TSL) class of formal languages (Heinz et al. 2011). In particular\, characterizing them as such allows for a straightforward account of unbounded vs. transvocalic patterns. This distance-based dichotomy is robustly attested cross-linguistically\, and a series of artificial grammar learning experiments (McMullin & Hansson\, submitted) suggests that it is reflective of a human learning bias. Moreover\, the TSL class includes patterns that can be blocked by intervening segments\, but excludes a number of computationally complex patterns that are predicted to be possible within the Agreement by Correspondence framework (Rose & Walker 2004\, Hansson 2010)\, but that are seemingly unattested (McMullin & Hansson 2014). \nSecond\, I will argue that it is not necessary to draw a strict distinction between the notions of ‘distance’ and ‘blocking’. Within this distance-free approach\, transvocalic distance emerges when consonant-consonant interactions are blocked by other intervening consonants. Many patterns also exhibit ‘distance-based decay’ (Zymet 2014)\, where the pattern is less and less likely to apply as distance increases. I will demonstrate not only that this is a predicted property for any dependency that can be blocked\, but that allowing for blocking to be optional makes it possible to derive an expected rate of decay equivalent to distance-based options offered in the literature (McMullin\, submitted). While this approach is amenable to many theoretical frameworks\, I will illustrate specifically how it can be understood in TSL terms. \nFinally\, I will provide a short overview of ongoing research focused on long-distance learning that supports (or at least unintentionally exploits) this connection between distance\, blocking\, and optionality\, and present preliminary results from an experiment designed to reveal how humans interpret optional dependencies and whether they can learn patterns with blocking.
URL:https://sites.rutgers.edu/lgsa/event/colloquium-kevin-mcmullin-distance-blocking-and-optionality-on-phonological-tiers/
END:VEVENT
END:VCALENDAR