{"id":3327,"date":"2024-09-11T21:11:05","date_gmt":"2024-09-11T21:11:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.rutgers.edu\/lgsa\/?p=3327"},"modified":"2024-09-12T00:12:05","modified_gmt":"2024-09-12T00:12:05","slug":"chaoyi-chen-successfully-passed-his-dissertation-defense","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.rutgers.edu\/lgsa\/chaoyi-chen-successfully-passed-his-dissertation-defense\/","title":{"rendered":"Chaoyi Chen Successfully Passed His Dissertation Defense"},"content":{"rendered":"

We\u2019re really pleased to announce that Chaoyi Chen successfully defended his dissertation on September 10th, 2024!<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

\n

Title:<\/span> The syntax and semantics of headless relative clauses<\/b><\/p>\n

Committee:<\/strong><\/span> Mark Baker<\/a> (co-advisor), Yimei Xiang<\/a> (co-advisor), Dorothy Ahn<\/a>, Ivano Caponigro<\/a> (UCSD)<\/b><\/p>\n

Abstract:\u00a0<\/strong><\/span>Headless relatives exhibit dual characteristics: morphologically, they resemble clauses, while distributionally, they function as nouns, adjectives, or adverbs. This dual nature complicates a comprehensive understanding of their syntactic and semantic properties.<\/div>\n
This dissertation advances our understanding of headless relatives by addressing four syntactic and semantic issues. First, I examine the syntactic transformation of nominal headless relatives from CPs to NPs\/DPs. Through a detailed cross-linguistic analysis, I propose that this transformation requires a categorical [N]\/[D] feature provided by the daughters of the headless-relative node. In [+wh] headless relatives, overt fronted wh-phrases supply the [N]\/[D] feature, whereas in [-wh] headless relatives, external nominal heads can provide this feature.<\/div>\n
Next, I explore whether all arguments within a headless relative clause can be equally relativized when they are phonologically null. A preference for object readings over subject readings is observed in Mandarin doubly-gapped headless relatives. I argue that this asymmetry stems from a general preference for nested movements over crossing movements, as well as the unavailability of generic null objects with most Mandarin verbs.<\/div>\n
I then turn to the semantic composition of headless relative clauses. I observe that pied-piping in English free relatives is less acceptable than in corresponding wh-questions and headed relative clauses.\u00a0Based on this observation, I propose a compositional analysis in which the meaning of free relatives is sensitive to the form of their fronted strings.<\/div>\n
Finally, I extend the discussion to the readings headless relatives can have and their parallels with modified bare nouns. Drawing on the similarities between English free relatives and English modified bare nouns, I argue that the distribution of kind and non-kind readings in these two constructions should be captured in a unified manner.<\/div>\n
\n

Congratulations, Dr. Chen\u203c\ufe0f<\/span><\/strong><\/h4>\n
\"Chaoyi<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

We\u2019re really pleased to announce that Chaoyi Chen successfully defended his dissertation on September 10th, 2024! 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